In my Social Movements class, we're required to submit 3 reading reflections over the course of the 6 week semester. In this submission, I reflect on the shooting of Trayvon Martin and if the definitions and suggestions put forward by Charles Tilly as well as Della Porta & Diani would classify the uproar following his death as a social movement
Sources:
The February 2012 shooting of 17-year-old Trayvon
Martin has moved African-Americans in a way that has been compared to the
lynching of Emmett Till in 1955. The aftermath of the shooting, which
Rev. Al Sharpton has called “a social movement for justice” has brought a
nation-wide debate over race and the judicial system.
In my readings of Charles Tilly and Della Porta & Diani, I
asked myself if the uproar following the killing of Trayvon Martin can be
termed a social movement. I reflected on the social media campaign and
petitions that followed shortly after the death of Trayvon. The Trayvon Martin
movement has employed important tactics which Tilly identified as a
campaign (Tilly, 2004, p. 3). As Tilly explained, a campaign extends beyond a
single event and targets government officials. We see this in the Trayvon
Martin campaign which is still on-going over 16 months later and has drawn
comments from President Barack Obama.
Tilly also explains the term WUNC (worthiness, unity,
numbers and commitment) which is exemplified in the Trayvon Martin campaign. I
interpret the consistent highlight by numerous media outlets on the clean cut
appearance of Trayvon's parents as well as pictures of Trayvon as a young child
a worthiness technique. In addition, the "hoodie movement" which drew
hundreds of thousands of people across the world as well as celebrity
contributors is an act of unity and numbers. Similarly, change.org notes that Trayvon Martin
petition was the fastest growing in history, with more than 1000 people per
minute signing it during its most viral stages. The petition has since amassed
over 2 million signatures. Since the acquittal of George Zimmerman, the
commitment of supporters is still noticed as demonstrations continue in many
cities throughout the United States.
On the repertoire of the Trayvon Martin campaign,
we have seen the creation of special purpose groups, vigils, rallies,
demonstrations, petitions and numerous social media tactics. In Tilly's
reference to the Communist Manifesto by Marx & Engels, he makes a reference
to the hunting down of proletariat movements when they begin to show signs of
life (Tilly, 2004, p. 6). The smear campaign that followed the initial
change.org petition was an attempt to distract from the lawsuit and
victim-blame. The Trayvon Martin movement is arguably an expression of current
attitudes of African-Americans and a response to racial profiling, the mass
incarceration of black bodies and senseless acts of violence against people of
color. I believe it is important to reflect on various trends that have
encouraged the rise of the Travyon Martin movement such as the spread of social
media and its various tactics such as inactive activism.
My understanding of the readings on Della Porta and
Diani's applies to the Trayvon Martin campaign. The campaign is noticeably
complex and informal while for the most part, sharing a distinct collective
identity. In the past few days following the acquittal of George
Zimmerman, a logic of damage and violence can be observed. According to the BBC
News, fourteen people have been arrested in Los Angeles during protests with
allegations of assault and vandalism. The logic of damage has been instrumental
in many social movements, with violence directed at people and damage directed
at property. The public usually does not make this distinction and as such,
resorting to violence or damage can alienate many observers.
